Pompeii, a city extraordinarily preserved by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D., offers a unique and detailed glimpse into Roman daily life, including its harsher and often neglected aspects. Beyond the elite and the middle class, recent excavations are illuminating the daily lives of the subordinate population, including slaves and children, revealing the spatial constraints and interconnection within which their existence unfolded.
The Invisible Social Layer
The prosperity of Pompeii, starting from the period of the alliance with Rome (between the 3rd and 2nd century B.C.), was fueled by the influx of enormous masses of slaves, alongside great spoils of war, allowing for an agrarian and manufacturing economy to flourish. Modern archaeological research focuses on the life of the average and poorer populations, including the slaves, analyzing how the material configuration of spaces—such as housing, workshops, shops, storage areas, or slave quarters—determined the forms of daily life.
While the traditional atrium house was necessary for the self-representation of the Roman elite, especially through the display of family portraits and trophies, the rise of freedmen (liberti) and free traders of humble origins led to a revision of housing models. New excavations in the Insula of the Chaste Lovers (Insula dei Casti Amanti) have brought to light new examples of "houses without atrium".
The Grueling Labor: Men, Women, and Animals
The living conditions of slaves in Pompeii were often brutally linked to places of production, where the distinction between residential and working areas was stark.
An emblematic example is the House with the Bakery of Rustius Verus (Regio IX, Insula 10, civic 1). This structure featured a residential part decorated with high-quality Fourth Style frescoes, sharply contrasted with the productive area dedicated to baking.
To reconstruct the grueling labor endured by men, women, and animals in the ancient Pompeian mills, archaeologists reference literary sources, such as Apuleius’ Metamorphoses (IX 11-13). This narrative describes the experience of the protagonist, transformed into a donkey and sold to a miller, offering insights into the "discipline of the hateful shack" (inoptabilis officinae disciplina).
- Spatial Confinement: In the Rustius Verus bakery, the production area lacked any communication with the outside. The floor around the mills was paved with basalt stone, featuring circular channels (curva canalis) which were carved to prevent the animals from slipping and to tightly choreograph the movements of men and animals.
- Controlling the Workforce: Windows, such as those between the bakery (room 13) and the lararium (room 12), were likely closed with iron grates not to keep thieves out, but to prevent slaves from escaping their assigned work areas, making the bakery look like a prison.
- Epigraphic Traces: The name Alypus, derived from the Greek for 'without pain' and common among slaves and freedmen, was painted on the northwest jamb of the tablinum. The location of the latrine, directly attached to the milling area, suggests that the slave using it could keep watch over the animals.
Slavery and the Market
Inscribed documents (tituli picti and graffiti), which serve as a valuable reservoir for reconstructing social history, provide clear evidence of the sale and exploitation of slaves in Pompeii:
- An inscription found at the entrance of the building unit IX 5, 16 advertised "Optata, verna, for two asses" (OPTATA VERNA A(SSIBUS) II). A verna was a slave born within the household.
- Another analogous inscription offered Eutychis, described as "Greek and of good manners," also for two asses (Eutychis Graeca a(ssibus) II moribus bellis).
- These inscriptions explicitly highlight the social stratification and customs of the time, demonstrating how the exploitation of the labor and bodies of slaves was an integral part of the Pompeian economy.
Exposure to Violence
The archaeological evidence shows that Pompeii allows us to look into the "unconscious of the empire," including its submerged subculture, evident in the thousands of graffiti and charcoal drawings on the walls.
- Children's Drawings: Charcoal drawings found in the courtyard of the House of the Second Colonnaded Cenaculum (IX 12, 4) were made by children estimated to be 5 to 7 years old.
- The drawings depicted scenes of gladiators, boxers, and hunting scenes (venationes). They are considered attempts to reproduce something actually observed.
- The presence of gladiatorial games was a common amusement for all ages. The fact that the blood spilled in the arena was real made the early exposure to extreme violence a commonplace aspect of Roman society.
- Literary Confirmation: The riot between Pompeians and Nucerians in 59 A.D., recounted by Tacitus, confirms that children were present at these spectacles, as many mourned the "death of children and relatives" (mors liberorum aut parentum).
- The anatomical style of the drawings (limbs attached directly to the head, or "cephalopods") and the size of the anthropometric hand outlines on the wall helped estimate the children's age.
The Path to Freedom and Success
Slavery in Pompeii was not necessarily a perpetual condition, and freedmen (liberti) could follow a path of social and economic ascent.
- Marcus Venerius Secundio is a prominent example. He was initially a public slave (servus publicus) and served as the custodian of the Temple of Venus.
- After manumission, Secundio became an Augustale (priest of the imperial cult) and was honored with a monumental tomb (schola) outside Porta Sarno.
- His epitaph states that he "gave Greek and Latin games for four days" (ludi graeci et latini). This is the first certain testimony of performances in the Greek language in Pompeii.
- In the wax tablets of the banker Cecilius Iucundus, the order in which witnesses are listed indicates that social rank was strictly dependent on the wealth of the individual.
FAQ: Frequently Asked Questions about Slavery in Pompeii
1. How was slavery evident in Pompeii's domestic and production architecture?
Slavery was reflected in the segregation of urban spaces. In the House with the Bakery of Rustius Verus (IX, 10, 1), there was a clear separation between the luxurious residential part and the production area. The mill space lacked communication with the outside, and windows between work areas were possibly closed with iron grates to prevent escapes, lending the bakery the aspect of a prison, or an inoptabilis officinae disciplina (discipline of the hateful shack).
2. What types of labor were typically performed by slaves, according to archaeological finds?
Slaves were subjected to particularly grueling labor. In the bakery, they performed milling tasks. The basalt paving around the mills featured carved circular channels (curva canalis) designed to tightly choreograph the movements of human and animal power required for grinding. Furthermore, the presence of tools like a scalpellina in ferro (dolabra—a type of pickaxe) in construction contexts and in the bakery suggests the use of slave labor in building and maintenance.
3. Is there evidence of the sale or hire of slaves in Pompeii?
Yes. Inscriptions painted on the walls (tituli picti), which are a precious source for reconstructing social history, advertised the availability of slaves. For instance, the inscription OPTATA VERNA A(SSIBUS) II indicated the sale or hire of the home-born slave Optata for two asses. Similarly, the inscription Eutychis Graeca a(ssibus) II moribus bellis offered Eutychis, described as "Greek and of good manners," also for two asses.
4. What was the social role of freedmen (liberti) in Pompeian society?
Freedmen could achieve considerable social and economic status. Marcus Venerius Secundio, for example, began as a public slave (custodian of the Temple of Venus) and later became a prominent Augustale, honored with a tomb (schola) outside Porta Sarno. His epitaph noted that he financed Greek and Latin games. This social mobility, often linked to wealth, is also reflected in the wax tablets of the banker Cecilius Iucundus, where social rank was "strictly dependent on the wealth of the individual".
5. Were children exposed to violence and forced labor?
Yes, children were exposed to extreme violence. The archaeological site of Pompei, including the thousands of charcoal drawings found on walls, provides evidence of this. Drawings of gladiators, boxers, and hunts (venationes) made by children estimated between 5 and 7 years old, suggests they reproduced what they had actually observed. Literary sources, such as Tacitus' account of the 59 A.D. amphitheater riot, confirm that the presence of children at these spectacles was usual, mentioning those mourning the "death of children and relatives" (mors liberorum aut parentum).
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